The air strikes by Western forces on Libya have triggered speculation that the West's real intention is to get hold of the country's vast oil resources. Although France and the United Kingdom led the "action against Libya", the United States has played the dominant role in the air campaign.

Some argue that since the oil from the Middle East and North Africa meets only a part of the US energy demand, Washington has few reasons to target Libya. The US' overall strategy for the Middle East may indicate that it is swaying - that is, trying to balance its conflicting concerns of its moral values and real self-interest.

The Sept 11, 2001, terrorist attack has made the US pay extra-special attention to the Middle East. Over the past decade, it has opened up anti-terrorism battlefronts in Afghanistan and Iraq, and tried to prop up pro-US governments and help bring about "democratic" reform in the region to defend its national interests.

These moves convey Washington's political will to build what it considers a democratic and liberal Middle East. It is even trying to impose its policies on the already turbulent Middle East and North Africa by preaching liberty and democracy, and its extreme sense of justice. In retrospect, the US used moral values to its advantage even during the Cold War.

Yet when it comes to its strategy for the Middle East and North Africa, national interests outweigh morality. National interests make Libya, an oil-rich country, strategically and economically important for the US, and its policymakers know that very well.

After 9/11 exposed loopholes in its national security setup, the US made the Middle East its top concern. It launched its anti-terrorism operations in the Middle East to eliminate Al-Qaida and root out "weapons of mass destruction". There is no doubt that Washington has been trying to prop up pro-American governments in the Middle East and North Africa only to serve its security and political interests.

Apart from national interests, America's Middle East strategy also reflects its politicians' bid to increase their domestic appeal to build their career. This is understandable because the fate of US politicians depends on voters. During the gloom that followed 9/11, Americans concentrated their hatred on terrorists and George W. Bush, then US president, capitalized on their sentiments by opening battlefronts against terrorism in the Middle East.

Hence, America's "mission" in the Middle East and North Africa reflects the struggle between its values and real interests. While formulating its strategy and carrying out its "mission" in the region, the US tends to use its moral values as a ploy to fulfill its national interests. That is to say, the US manipulates democratic values as a means to realizing its self-interest. This has prompted the US to accept as allies many governments in the region that are nowhere close to practising its moral values.

Despite all this, the US is still not sure that its interests will be safeguarded. For example, it refused to accept the Palestinian legislative election that Hamas won in 2006, which escalated the Israel-Palestine conflict and triggered an anti-American tide in the Arab world.

Though the US has put Al-Qaida at the top of its blacklist, it cannot deny initially it helped build and strengthen the organization to serve its strategic interests in the region.

The air strikes by Western forces on Libya seem to be a combination of America's moral values and pursuit of its interests. If the US succeeds in "reforming" Libya by intervening in the country on the pretext of humanitarian consideration, and teaching democratic and liberal values, it will be in much better position to defend its interests in the region.

But in the long run, it will be not be easy for the US to strike a balance between its moral values and pursuit of its interests. If America's blind pursuit of its interests has stained its international image, then its attempts to preach American values to other countries has made a mockery of its reputation, which is more than evident in prevailing tide of anti-Americanism in the Middle East.

The author is an associate professor of international studies at Beijing Foreign Studies University.